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2011年8月30日 星期二

監管收緊 A股ETF要100%抵押品

合成交易所買賣基金(ETF)涉及複雜結構,多個市場的監管機構最關注這類產品的交易對手風險。證監會昨天公布,13隻A股合成ETF必須由100%的抵押品支持,如果以股票為抵押品,更要達到120%的水平,今年10月31日起實施。

證監會一直要求單一對手風險不能超過產品資產淨值10%,現在從抵押品方面着手。證監會署理行政總裁張灼華相信,提高抵押品水平,可更有效減輕本地合成ETF的交易對手風險。

根據新措施,本地合成ETF基金經理必須提高每隻本地合成ETF的抵押品水平,最少相等於ETF交易對手風險總額的100%,確保合成ETF為模擬指數表現而進行的所有金融衍生工具交易,均備有抵押品,從而抵銷交易對手風險。

證監會表示,相關合成ETF基金經理還要訂立審慎的抵押品扣減(haircut)政策,尤其是當抵押品屬於股本證券,這類抵押品的市值,要相等於交易對手風險總額120%。

以全球最普遍的抵押品美國國債為例,本月初標準普爾調低美國主權評級後,理論上其作為抵押品的價值便會下跌,收取抵押品的一方可能要求更多抵押品,或減低倉位水平。

證監會要求,基金經理於未來兩周後開始提高抵押品水平,並要在可行情況下盡快作出全數抵押安排,最遲須於10月31日前完成。

至今本港的ETF共76隻,實物資產和合成的ETF分別各佔27隻和49隻。不過,新措施只限於受證監會規管的本地合成ETF,僅13隻,全部屬於A股ETF,其餘36隻屬於在港跨境上市的海外合成ETF,則不受新措施影響。

本港最大ETF發行人之一的貝萊德,其安碩(iShares)亞太區主管高磊(Nick Good)回應說,集團將繼續利用多個交易對手,以分散這方面的風險,同時,各安碩基金的抵押品在獨立的保管賬戶上單獨保管。

目前ETF基金經理需要在產品網站披露整體抵押品水平和其他抵押品資料,配合新措施,合成ETF基金經理需要持續地在產品網站公布最新的抵押品管理政策。

2011年7月5日 星期二

分析員之死 ── 地位愈益卑微


在很久很久以前,投行分析員地位崇高,而且受人敬重,最頂尖的分析員甚至可以直接跳槽到上市公司當財務總監。今時今日,分析員能夠由投行跳到上市公司當投資者關係經理已經很不錯。

以前,有牙力的分析員在市場上能夠呼風喚雨,為投行搵「大刁」,但最近幾年卻幾乎淪落後勤人員(back office),成為成本中心(cost centre)。

研究部非開源部門

從前,當推銷員向客戶推介股票之時,他們會聘請一些助理幫忙,找尋不同行業的資料和相關數據,而這些助理就是分析員的前身。後來,投行發現了分析員的價值,便投放更多資源成立研究部。研究部雖然本身並沒有直接的收入來源,但卻能間接帶來生意。

當分析員說服客戶買賣股票時,投行便能增加交易佣金。當分析員唱好某上市公司股票之時,該公司配股或進行收購時又可能會對該投行「報恩」。這兩項間接收入一直養活研究部的一眾分析員。

高盛研究部最近幾年大革新,引用新的運作模式,連研究部也要有直接收入。高盛綜合旗下分析員的確信買入/賣出評級,成立基金賺取管理費,開拓多一條財路。此運作模式成功與否,目前依然是未知之數;不過,一旦成功,相信亦會被其他投行仿效。

龍不甘長期游淺水

優秀的分析員基本上是鳳毛麟角,而且他們很多都會轉行。由於分析員並非直接在前線幫投行搵生意,所以人工到達一定水平之後(最高是兩百萬美金)便再難上升。因此,較出眾的分析員一般都不會長期留在研究部,瑞銀的張化橋跳槽成為銀行家正是絕佳例子。結果水平較低的便留在研究部,令研究報告的質素每況愈下。

坦白說,筆者認為研究部中有八九成分析員都只是扮做研究白拿人工,具有真知灼見的並不多。當分析員未能為投行帶來「大刁」時,分析員的地位就愈來愈卑微。

再者,做分析員亦不容易。上市公司本身就已經不斷向投資者解析看好其股票的論據,所以分析員要看好的話,便難免缺乏新意。看淡大多都是吃力不討好,又可能會得罪公司、得罪持重貨的基金客戶,而且公司一般亦會刻意隱藏所有負面資料。真是左右為難。

四大皆空.之二.下周續

交易員之死 ── 黃金時期已過


金融業一向被公認為是個高薪厚祿的行業。最近筆者友人的子女將近畢業,因而問及在投行工作的前景。投行前線大概可以分為四個崗位:交易員,分析員,推銷員和銀行家。筆聞集將推出一連四期的《四大皆空》系列,淺談這四大崗位,而本星期則先由交易員開始。

粗略而言,交易員的收入分兩種:交易佣金和自營投機。

前者是替客戶出/入貨,從而收取佣金。由於客戶找高盛還是找大摩買貨基本上分別不大,結果競爭令過去幾十年的佣金愈鬥愈便宜,再加上近年又有網絡證券商的出現,競爭更見激烈。除非該客戶持貨較多,需要交易員有技考地派貨出街,否則跟本無須找投行。

交投量減 佣金受壓

在2005至2007年的牛市中,對沖基金異常活躍,令佣金收入大旺。然而,在過去一兩年,受不明朗的宏觀環境影響,市場交投量大減,令佣金受壓。

自從雷曼倒閉以後,監管機構更為重視交易對家風險。現時有些證券是以OTC的形式買賣,而監管機構則希望把這些證券逐步轉移至交易所上買賣,令對家由投行變成交易所,交易佣金亦大有可能因而下調。據筆者友人所稱,某投行的利率掉期交易組目前有八十多人,而明年轉到交易所上買賣後便只需四至五人,將會令不少交易員失業。

新監管條例亦大力打擊投行的坐盤交易,但卻暫時未能清楚界定代客買貨和自營投機兩者之間的分別。無論如何,投行的坐盤交易規模亦應該大不如前。

過去一兩年市況反覆,並沒有明顯的大趨勢,自營投機要賺大錢並不容易。筆者亦認識的一些交易員其實是因為無知才賺大錢,他們對該項交易的潛在風險了解不足才有膽量不顧一切大手入貨。世事真是諷刺。

金融市場變化萬千,投資產品午時花六時變。十幾年前,窩輪並不普遍,當時的從業員人工並不特別高,但到今時今日卻賺過盤滿砵滿,而結構信貸產品也是同一道理。

產品命短 轉型恨晚

交易員入行時通常都只會專注於一項產品之上,而某些產品的興起和沒落可能只是短短十年時光。再者,交易員只有在牛市頂峰時一兩年才有巨額花紅,收入波動性頗大,整個工作生涯能夠賺到一兩個浪已經很不錯。

筆者見過不少交易員二十多歲入行,但到三十多歲時他們所熟悉的產品卻開始沒落,結果在低潮時被投行解僱。他們驀然回首,發現自己技能不多,想轉型時已經太遲。他們由百萬美金年薪的金融專才變成平民。投行在熊市時大刀闊斧地裁走一兩成交易員是很平常的事,而熊市每四五年便有一次,要在金融圈內站得住腳並不容易。

依筆者淺見,交易員的黃金時期經已過去,想入行者宜三思。

四大皆空.之一.下周續

推銷員之死:高級打雜


前兩個星期我們淺談了交易員和分析員之死,接下來我們看看推銷員。

其實投行為什麼需要推銷員呢?要回答這個問題,讓我們先看看推銷員的職責。

身價視乎人脈關係

首先,推銷員基本上是一個擴音器,負責把分析員的研究報告散發至不同市場人士手中,推銷員向客戶推介股票便有助增加經紀佣金。再者,當有上市或配股等大型集資行動時,投行便必須要龐大的推銷隊伍作後盾。

因此,推銷員是全方位地支持着投行的各項生意,其花紅也很自然地跟投行的盈利掛鈎,當中以一手市場尤其重要,因為相比之下二手市場的利錢較薄。

推銷員最重要的資產就是關係,而關係通常是跟人走,並不是跟公司。這也就是投行捨得花千萬花紅挖走頂級推銷員的原因。

成功的推銷員必須令客戶「自我感覺良好」,令客戶覺得自己比市場上其他參與者聰明。說白了,推銷員拍馬屁的功夫必須到家,這樣才有機會能跟客戶打好關係。

一個剛入職的推銷員大概打滾兩三年後便開始會有自己的客戶(通常都是小型對沖基金)。在打好關係之後,推銷員便要求神拜佛,祈求客戶快高長大,晉升為大客,這個步驟相當依賴運氣。

記得在2006至07年,對沖基金交易頻繁之際,對沖基金的推銷員身價不菲,但當大環境轉變之後,花紅今非昔比,這並不是單靠推銷員自己能改變的事情。

周身刀無張利

推銷員看似接觸面廣,對市場上不同範疇都有一定識知。然而,他們大多都只是對事情略知一二,並沒有時間精通所有細節,較難靠專業知識搵大錢。

金融市場變幻無常,有時候一個大浪打過來,關係較好的大客戶被炒,推銷員便可能成為投行開刀的對象。萬一被炒,要找新工作並不容易。

有人認為,推銷員只不過是個高級打雜,負責把投行每日發表的無數研究報告當中,挑選質素較好和跟客戶相關性較高的整合,又或者是替客戶安排約見研究部的分析員,安排飛機酒店到某城市參觀某上市公司。筆者亦認識幾位投行推銷員,因為抵受不了工作的沉悶而轉行。

在投行當推銷員可能花紅不低,但我們亦要問,這樣的工作有意義嗎?

下星期,筆聞集將淺談銀行家。

四大皆空之三:推銷員之死

2011年6月28日 星期二

Too much of a good thing The risks created by complicating a simple idea

Exchange-traded funds


ANY industry would be proud of an average annual growth rate of 34% over ten years and of a global reach from Austria to Taiwan. But the headlong expansion of exchange-traded funds (ETFs), which by May this year controlled almost $1.5 trillion of assets (not far short of the $2 trillion in hedge funds), has become a matter for concern among financial regulators. Could ETFs be the next source of financial scandal, or even of systemic risk?

ETFs have been around since 1990, when the first fund was launched in Canada. The original idea was to create portfolios of shares replicating a stockmarket index, such as the S&P 500. Index-tracking funds had been available to institutional investors since the 1970s. Companies such as Vanguard offered them to individuals in the form of mutual funds. However, as the name suggests, the key feature of an ETF was that it was itself listed on a stockmarket, so that investors could buy and sell it easily. Unlike units in a conventional mutual fund, ETFs can be traded all day long.

Most people still regard these plain-vanilla ETFs as a benign invention that allows small investors to own a diversified portfolio at a low cost. State Street’s $88 billion SPDR fund, which mimics the S&P 500, has a total expense ratio of just 0.09%.

But fund managers quickly elaborated on the basic design. The number of ETFs has swelled to 2,747 (see chart 1). Within equities, there are ETFs based on small-cap companies, value shares, individual industries and every conceivable combination of countries and regions. In bonds, there are ETFs linked to government, corporate and high-yield debt and paper of varying maturities. Some ETFs are based on commodity indices and property markets, others are designed to appeal to the environmentally conscious or to devout Muslims. There are leveraged ETFs which offer a geared return on a given index, inverse ETFs which aim to go down when a benchmark goes up (and vice versa) and, inevitably, leveraged inverse ETFs.

For some, this is a worrying trend, with echoes of the subprime housing crisis, in which financial innovation went out of control. That crisis, too, had its origins in invention with a benign aim: the packaging of mortgages for use as securities for bonds was intended to reduce borrowing costs and disperse risk. Eventually, however, that simple idea transmuted into complex collateralised debt obligations and lower lending standards.

Exotic traded funds

Similarly, the new types of ETF no longer offer the cheapness and diversification of the early varieties. Instead they have become a means for hedge funds to speculate on the market throughout the trading day, allowing them to make complex bets on illiquid asset classes. And the portfolios of some ETFs consist not of a broad range of stocks but of a derivative position with an investment bank as a counterparty.

Official concern is growing. In April three international bodies set out their worries. The Financial Stability Board (FSB), a committee of financial supervisors, issued a report on ETFs. The IMF devoted part of its global financial-stability report to them. And the Bank for International Settlements (BIS) published a paper entitled “Market Structures and Systemic Risks of Exchange-Traded Funds”.

One risk is a lack of liquidity. On May 6th 2010 trading in the American stockmarket seemed to go haywire: the Dow Jones Industrial Average fell by almost 1,000 points in the session and some stocks lost almost all their value. This “flash crash” prompted the authorities to cancel a bunch of trades made at unusual prices. Between 60% and 70% of those trades were in ETFs, far above their actual weighting in the market.

Some investors use ETFs as a quick way of expressing their overall view on the market, while high-frequency traders use the funds as part of their complex arbitrage strategies. But such strategies work only as long as there is someone willing to take the other side of the trade. In chaotic conditions, there may be sellers but no buyers. As the IMF points out,While most ETFs are supported by one or two marketmakers, there is no guarantee of active trading under illiquid conditions.

A linked problem is the tendency for ETFs to be the main way in which investors seek exposure to some asset classes, notably gold. Once upon a time gold bulls had to pay a hefty markup to buy coins or had to purchase shares in gold-mining companies and hope that the management was competent. But gold ETFs have been hugely popular, seeing inflows of $12 billion in 2009 and $9 billion in 2010. The largest gold ETF holds more bullion than all the world’s central banks except those of America, France, Germany and Italy. The IMF also has more. The surge of interest in gold ETFs has been encouraged by (and may have in turn contributed to) a rise in the bullion price. If investors lose faith, the market may become disorderly as they scramble to take their profits.

Some ETF managers also top up their income with fees for lending the securities in their portfolios. There is a risk that, in a period of market disruption when ETF investors want their money back, managers would be forced to recall such loans, adding to liquidity pressures.

Another problem lies in the existence of leveraged ETFs, where losses as well as profits can be magnified. Were a leveraged ETF to suffer huge losses, the reputation of the entire industry might be affected, particularly among private investors. Inverse ETFs offer a way for investors to bet on a fall in an asset class but they may not always deliver such a return over an extended period. “It isn’t hard to give examples in which investors would lose money on a leveraged long ETF if the market went up over a period of significant volatility, or in which they lost money owning a short ETF and the market went down over a period in which there were some sharp rallies,” says Terry Smith, chief executive of Tullett Prebon, a money broker.

Perhaps the biggest concern, and the one with the clearest echoes of the subprime crisis, surrounds “synthetic” ETFs and linked products known as exchange-traded notes (ETNs) and exchange-traded vehicles (ETVs). An ETN is a debt security issued by an index provider or a bank and traded on the market; an ETV is similar, but the debt issuer is a special-purpose vehicle. Collectively these offshoots are known as exchange-traded products (ETPs).

The rationale for concocting this alphabet soup is the desire to create funds linked to illiquid asset classes. It may be too costly or impractical to replicate the targeted index completely. To synthesise it, the ETF provider usually enters into a transaction known as a total return swap with a bank. The bank agrees to pay the provider an amount equal to the return on the chosen benchmark, say an emerging-markets index; the provider hands over cash in return. The bank now has to manage the risk of replicating the index; the provider faces the risk that the bank might go bust. So the ETF provider requires the bank to provide collateral (see diagram).

The financial laboratory revisited

Here’s the rub. The collateral is usually unconnected with the index. The BIS cites the example of an emerging-markets ETF offered by a firm called db x-trackers. The collateral was in the form of equities and bonds. Most of it had nothing to do with emerging markets. Around half of the equity portion was in Japanese shares; another 30% consisted of American and German ones. Of the bonds, three-quarters were American, many of them unrated. Were the bank counterparty to fail, the index provider would be left with assets that were unrelated to the target portfolio.

Worse, the BIS points to a potential conflict of interest when the fund provider is owned by an investment bank. When a bank acts as a marketmaker, it needs to keep an inventory of bonds and stocks so that it can deal with clients’ demands to buy and sell. These positions have to be funded, which can be costly, especially if the securities are illiquid. “By transferring these stocks and bonds as collateral assets to the ETF provider sponsored by the parent bank, the investment banking activities may benefit from reduced warehousing costs for these assets,” the BIS warns.

That raises the danger that an ETF could act as a dumping ground for the unwanted securities on an investment bank’s books. “The synthetic ETF creation process may be driven by the possibility for the bank to raise funding against an illiquid portfolio that cannot otherwise be financed,” says the FSB report. Again, there are parallels with the subprime crisis, where mortgage-backed securities were warehoused in off-balance-sheet ventures.

If doubts emerged about the health of the bank involved in the swap, investors might be inclined to sell their holdings in the ETF or the ETN rather than take their chances on the exact value of the collateral. After all, as the crisis of 2008 showed, when banks are collapsing the value of all kinds of assets takes a battering.

The structure of synthetic ETFs is not a secret. Anyone who reads the documentation carefully should be aware of the nature of a fund and the type of collateral. It is also worth noting that in America these concerns apply only to ETNs and ETVs. In products labelled as ETFs, at least 80% of the portfolio must comprise securities matching the fund’s name.

In Europe synthetic funds make up around half of the ETF sector by assets. However, the European Fund and Asset Management Association, a trade body, points out that the vast majority of them trade under the UCITS (Undertakings for Collective Investments in Transferable Securities) rules, which limit some of the risks outlined by the BIS and the FSB. For example, rules on conflicts of interest restrict the choice of counterparties, a fund cannot have an exposure to any one counterparty that comprises more than 10% of its value, and the chosen collateral is subject to liquidity and credit-quality criteria.


Nevertheless, the rapid trading of ETFs is an area of concern, especially when the underlying assets are illiquid. Creating a synthetic ETF does not eliminate this illiquidity risk, but merely transforms it into a bet on the creditworthiness of a bank. One day that bet will go wrong.

Despite some eerie parallels, it is hard to conclude that ETFs yet pose a systemic risk on the same scale as mortgage-backed securities. Leveraged funds have around $40 billion of assets, less than 3% of the industry total, according to BlackRock, a fund-management group that, under its iShares brand, is the biggest provider of ETFs. Synthetic ETFs had more than $140 billion of assets in May. Though ETPs have been growing rapidly (see chart 2), their total value is less than $200 billion, less than one-seventh of that of conventional ETFs. It seems unlikely that banks have the same kind of exposure to collapsing ETFs as they did to the subprime market.

Even some in the industry are nervous about the profusion of new vehicles. A failure might diminish the appeal of ETFs as a whole. “There are products that are not even funds which are being called ETFs,” reports Deborah Fuhr of BlackRock. “The risk of confusion, disappointment and disillusionment among investors would be very negative for the ETF industry.”

That would be a shame. Fund managers’ fees have always eaten into investors returns; ETFs were a splendid way of letting investors keep more of their money. But like a hyperactive child, the finance sector can never leave a good thing be.


2011年6月23日 星期四

SAC, Ortus Lead Hedge Fund Expansion, Fuelling Hong Kong Office Demand

Hedge funds including SAC Capital Advisor LP and Ortus Capital Management Ltd. are expanding in Hong Kong, fueling demand for space and driving rents higher in the world’s most expensive office market.

SAC Capital of Stamford, Connecticut is in talks to boost its space by 20 percent after adding employees at its more than 5,000-square-foot office at York House, said two people with knowledge of the matter, who declined to be identified because the information isn’t public. Ortus Capital, a $2.5 billion macro hedge fund based in Hong Kong, this month moved into premises 20 percent bigger in St. George’s Building, said a person with knowledge of the matter.

Prime office rents in Central business district rose 8.5 percent from January to the end of May as financial services companies boosted hiring in the city, according to Jones Lang LaSalle Inc.Hong Kong and Singapore are luring global hedge funds returning to the region following their retreat during the 2008 credit crisis.

“Hedge funds and private equity are capable of paying higher rents and they make decisions fast,” said Bernard Chu, director at Sagarmatha Capital Ltd., a Hong Kong-based real estate broker specializing in hedge funds and private equity firms. In Central, “they’re willing to pay around 5 to 10 percent more compared with investment banks, law firms and accounting firms, and they’re willing to pay an even higher premium for grade A buildings such as the International Finance Centre.”

Record Fund Inflow

The $3.6 billion capital that investors added to Asian hedge funds in the first three months was the largest quarterly inflow into the regional industry, according to Chicago-based service provider Hedge Fund Research Inc. The number of hedge funds focused on Asia increased to 1,055 in the first quarter, the highest since the second quarter of 2008.

Nine Masts Capital Ltd., led by Wang Bing, former Asia head of Deutsche Bank AG’s Saba proprietary trading desk, is negotiating to more than double its 1,500-square-foot office space after its assets under management surged 10-fold to more than $300 million since it started trading in May 2010, two people with knowledge of the matter said.

Matchpoint Investment Management Asia Ltd., a Hong Kong- based hedge fund co-founded byOch-Ziff Capital Management Group LLC (OZM) partner Raaj Shah, and Sean Debow, former Asia managing director of Los Angeles-based Ivory Investment Management LP, found a new location where it doubled its space, according to a person with knowledge of the matter.

More Space

The 4,300-square-foot L. Place office it moved into last month provided more room after its staff tripled to more than 15 since its September 2009 inception, and its assets under management jumped fivefold to $270 million, the person said.

Instead of moving, Senrigan Capital Group Ltd., the $1 billion Hong Kong-based hedge fund backed by Blackstone Group LP (BX) and led by former Citadel Investment Group LLC manager Nick Taylor, took an adjacent unit at Wheelock House after it more than doubled its workforce to at least 20 people since it started trading in November 2009, said a person with knowledge of the matter.

Janice Tang, Ortus’s spokeswoman; Katarina Bendle, who represents Senrigan; Elaine Davis, Nine Masts’ chief operating officer; Jonathan Gasthalter, an outside spokesman for SAC Capital, and Matchpoint’s Debow declined to comment.

About 25 of the biggest global hedge fund firms are seeking to expand in Asia, according to a Credit Suisse Group AG report last year. About 75 percent of the top 100 global hedge funds, ranked by Alpha Magazine based on assets managed, will likely have a presence in Asia, according to the Zurich-based bank’s prime brokerage unit.

Actively Looking

“If someone’s still seeking office space in Central at this moment, they’re likely someone who’s willing to pay a very high rent,” said John Siu, Hong Kong-based general manager at Cushman & Wakefield Inc., the biggest closely held property services company. “Hedge funds have been very actively looking for additional space since the market recovered from the credit crisis and it looks like this trend is continuing.”

Hong Kong’s prime office rents jumped more than a third to $2,066.35 per square meter at the end of last year, the highest in the world and almost double the cost of the City of London, according to Colliers International Research.

Average rents for new tenants at top-tier buildings including Cheung Kong Center andInternational Finance Centre in Central stood at HK$159 a square foot per month at the end of May, according to Jones Lang LaSalle. Only 1.3 percent of these buildings are vacant, compared with the 3.7 percent average for the rest of Central, the Chicago-based property brokerage said.

Less Bargaining Power

Hedge funds and asset managers may also be paying more for leases because they usually take up space of between “a few thousand to under 10,000 square feet,” Siu said. That gives them less bargaining power compared with investment banks that take up multiple floors at premium buildings with areas up to “tens of thousands of square feet,” he said.

Central’s higher rents drove some banks and professional services providers such as law and accounting firms out of the district to less expensive areas. Allianz Global, the investment unit of Allianz SE, Europe’s largest insurer, which occupied about 20,500 square feet in Cheung Kong Center, last month moved to nearby Citibank Plaza, where average rents are about 30 percent lower. Deutsche Bank AG last year completed its relocation to the International Commerce Centre in West Kowloon.

交易員之死 ── 黃金時期已過


金融業一向被公認為是個高薪厚祿的行業。最近筆者友人的子女將近畢業,因而問及在投行工作的前景。投行前線大概可以分為四個崗位:交易員,分析員,推銷員和銀行家。筆聞集將推出一連四期的《四大皆空》系列,淺談這四大崗位,而本星期則先由交易員開始。

粗略而言,交易員的收入分兩種:交易佣金和自營投機。

前者是替客戶出/入貨,從而收取佣金。由於客戶找高盛還是找大摩買貨基本上分別不大,結果競爭令過去幾十年的佣金愈鬥愈便宜,再加上近年又有網絡證券商的出現,競爭更見激烈。除非該客戶持貨較多,需要交易員有技考地派貨出街,否則跟本無須找投行。

交投量減 佣金受壓

在2005至2007年的牛市中,對沖基金異常活躍,令佣金收入大旺。然而,在過去一兩年,受不明朗的宏觀環境影響,市場交投量大減,令佣金受壓。

自從雷曼倒閉以後,監管機構更為重視交易對家風險。現時有些證券是以OTC的形式買賣,而監管機構則希望把這些證券逐步轉移至交易所上買賣,令對家由投行變成交易所,交易佣金亦大有可能因而下調。據筆者友人所稱,某投行的利率掉期交易組目前有八十多人,而明年轉到交易所上買賣後便只需四至五人,將會令不少交易員失業。

新監管條例亦大力打擊投行的坐盤交易,但卻暫時未能清楚界定代客買貨和自營投機兩者之間的分別。無論如何,投行的坐盤交易規模亦應該大不如前。

過去一兩年市況反覆,並沒有明顯的大趨勢,自營投機要賺大錢並不容易。筆者亦認識的一些交易員其實是因為無知才賺大錢,他們對該項交易的潛在風險了解不足才有膽量不顧一切大手入貨。世事真是諷刺。

金融市場變化萬千,投資產品午時花六時變。十幾年前,窩輪並不普遍,當時的從業員人工並不特別高,但到今時今日卻賺過盤滿砵滿,而結構信貸產品也是同一道理。

產品命短 轉型恨晚

交易員入行時通常都只會專注於一項產品之上,而某些產品的興起和沒落可能只是短短十年時光。再者,交易員只有在牛市頂峰時一兩年才有巨額花紅,收入波動性頗大,整個工作生涯能夠賺到一兩個浪已經很不錯。

筆者見過不少交易員二十多歲入行,但到三十多歲時他們所熟悉的產品卻開始沒落,結果在低潮時被投行解僱。他們驀然回首,發現自己技能不多,想轉型時已經太遲。他們由百萬美金年薪的金融專才變成平民。投行在熊市時大刀闊斧地裁走一兩成交易員是很平常的事,而熊市每四五年便有一次,要在金融圈內站得住腳並不容易。

依筆者淺見,交易員的黃金時期經已過去,想入行者宜三思。

2011年6月10日 星期五

大摩內地投行正式開業


大摩喺中國組建的合資證券公司,噚日正式開業。呢家合資公司由大摩與中國華鑫證券合資,大摩持有33.3%的股權,係中國規定的外資參股合資券商的持股上限。

1995年,大摩喺中國成立咗中國首家國際投行中金公司,但大摩與中金公司管理層在人事、公司文化等問題上存在諸多爭議,令大摩逐漸失去咗中金公司管理運營方面嘅話語權。

去年12月,中國批准大摩出售中金公司34.3%的股權,獲得近7億美元稅前利潤,並另起爐灶,與華鑫證券合資搞新投行。總部位於上海的華鑫證券成立於2001年。據半官方機構中國證券業協會的數據,以去年承銷的股票和債券規模計,華鑫證券在國內排名第36位。

2011年6月9日 星期四

北美「股壇長毛」發功 內地民企「爆煲」成風

‧炒股就像看籃球比賽,除了基本面誰可看高一線,也要看臨場發揮;同樣道理,投資股票時基本因素及技術因素也缺一不可。戴約克及黃玲在20 頁「財金教室」從上述兩方面評估大快活(052)的短炒價值。

‧一個普通人活到七十歲,扣除「亂打亂撞」的日子,剩下的光陰不多,如何「善用萬多天」?錢志健在27 頁介紹兩位在金融市場有過風光日子的過來人,如何歸於平淡卻活得更踏實精采。

‧因為「大得不容倒閉」的想法,各國政府傾盡財力拯救罪有應得的大銀行。然而,從來沒有證據證明有銀行重要得非救不可,雷曼倒閉的不可收拾局面也不能視為反證。28 頁「THE LEX COLUMN」刺破too big to fail 的迷思。

6月5日,周日。眾所周知,香港「股壇長毛」David Webb以揭發本地上市公司「蠱惑賬」得享大名,粉絲不少,樹敵更多。

北美股壇亦有一位「長毛」,三十四歲,律師出身,姓【圖】,曾在上海執業,起初替外資在華併購投資穿針引線,惟也許耳濡目染多了,久而久之,對內地民企「另眼相看」,去年6月創辦網上研究公司Muddy Waters,轉而為對沖基金提供投資研究服務,專門針對「貨不對辦」的美加掛牌內地民企發出沽售建議,最新一家被「點中死穴」的是「對沖天王」John Paulson【圖】旗下基金持有逾一成四股權而成單一大股東的嘉漢林業(Sino-Forest,多倫多證交所代號TRE,在本港上市公司綠森集團〔094〕持股63.6%;綠森上周五申請停牌獲准)。

Muddy Waters開業不足一年,創辦人不過三十出頭,卻一而再令過去數年通過借殼形式在美加上市的內地民企「雞毛鴨血」,醜態百出,Carson Block的影響力,絕對不容忽視。這個「黃毛小子」來勢洶洶,從二事上可見一斑:①美國金融周刊《巴隆氏》不久前替Block做了一個專訪,一唱一和,力「插」美加上市內地小型股(《巴隆氏》2010年8月30日發表〈當心這種中國出口〉〔Beware this Chinese Export〕一文,其質疑內地民企的立場,早已彰彰明甚);②有「第一中國淡友」之稱的美國著名投資者Jim Chanos,最近大吐苦水,慨嘆北美上市企業名稱中只要有China或Sino任何一字,大大話話十家有九家股價給「質」至體無完膚,沽得落手者已少之又少。

對沖天王慘遭滑鐵盧

嘉漢林業成為Muddy Waters最新「踩場」對象,股價狂瀉,周日有紙出的香港報章,多有篇幅不小的報道,原因相信有三:①嘉漢林業持有本港上市綠森集團控制性股權,後者在長假期前主動申請停牌,原因雖未見申述,惟嘉漢與綠森關係密切,投資者有某種聯想,事屬正常;②John Paulson透過旗下基金持有嘉漢14.13%股權,據說在該股上周四、五一連兩天暴瀉中大幅減持,損失達3.17億加元,若把Paulson持有數值不菲的嘉漢債券計算在內,損失必然不止此數;③嘉漢董事會成員名單上不乏港人熟悉的名字,包括前和黃(013)董事總經理、現任嘉能可(805)主席馬世民(Simon Murray),而據綠森集團刊發的停牌通告,馬世民在綠森亦擔任非執行董事一職。

對沖天王老貓燒鬚,加上香港上市公司和本地名利場中無人不識的人物捲入紛爭,嘉漢林業本身雖不在香港上市,惟事態發展深受持份者、非持份者以至監管機構高度關注,理所當然。

Muddy Waters的報告引發嘉漢股價洗倉式下跌(從上周三收市價18.21加元,瀉至上周五收市5.23加元,兩日跌幅超過七成),公司在6月4日周六發表聲明回應,既就嘉漢嚴重誇大在雲南臨滄市森林資產的指控作出強烈反駁,同時反客為主連消帶打,以Muddy Waters在報告中自承建立了嘉漢空倉,力陳發表報告者別有用心,作出不盡不實斷章取義的「分析」,目的是興風作浪,為其創辦人及客戶牟取暴利。嘉漢還強調,為證報告對公司的指控子虛烏有,集團已責成一個獨立委員會展開調查,結果一出,便能還嘉漢一個清白。

設獨立委員會跟進

對外行人來說,Muddy Waters與嘉漢各執一詞,「真相」不易辨明。然而,老畢周末刊了該份長達三十九頁的報告,發現一個既「有趣」又重要,惟嘉漢在聲明中並未作出正面回應之處,不妨在此一提。

Muddy Waters對嘉漢最嚴厲的指控,除了集團在雲南臨滄市的森林投資,只及公司聲稱的十分之一,以價值計,誇大之數達9億美元,還有公司採用的「人工中介人」(Artificial Intermediary,簡稱AI)商業模式:AI聲稱購入木材,將之製成木屑後再售給客戶;嘉漢似乎有意利用這種迂迴曲折的手法,製造會計假象,在既未拿出任何資本亦未轉移任何實質貨物的情況下,誇大資產規模和銷售業績。

為令這些交易成為會計上的「事實」,嘉漢承擔所有與木材相關的風險和責任,有效時間由原材料運到AI的設施開始,直至加工成木屑為止,AI違約引起的任何損失則屬例外。集團在向監管機構提交的文件中指明,除了上述有效時間,AI承擔木材的所有風險及責任──由購入木材至售予客戶為止。為了使讀報告者易於明白,Muddy Waters以一幅製作精美的配圖,針對上述「似是而非」的交易詳作解構【圖】。

作為門外漢,老畢對Muddy Waters報告中的細節重點,理解未必完全正確,加上當事人已表明,將組成獨立委員會徹查事件據理力爭,誰對誰錯,此刻不宜妄下判斷。然而,從投資者的立場出發,老畢認為有一點值得討論:在投資世界,名氣不宜輕信。John Paulson在此役中慘遭滑鐵盧,令投資者看到,即使星級基金經理,在「盡職審查」(due diligence)上也可能處處漏眼,「醒目錢」(smart money)亦難保不會聰明一世蠢鈍一時;投資者在買入任何股票前,不自己做足功課只懂「追星」,蒙受損失咎由自取,責不在人。值得一提的是,被行內機構StarMine評為今年加拿大最佳選股人之一的Raymond James林業股分析員Daryl Swetlishoff,在嘉漢股價狂瀉一天前(上周三),以價值被低估、勢必受惠於亞洲木材需求和定價能力為理據,發出「強烈買入」(Strong Buy)嘉漢的投資建議。跟此君入貨,慘矣!

看淡中國亦成泡沫

然而,投資者亦應看到,Muddy Waters專找海外上市內地民企麻煩,曲線沽空中國,迄今大有所成。在內地決策當局竭盡全力防止「中國泡沫」之際,Carson Block、Jim Chanos等淡友於美加發難,掀起一股逢中必沽且看似必賺的熱潮;在整個北美洲,「中國泡沫」(China Bubble)已迅速被「看淡中國泡沫」(Anti-China Bubble)取而代之。一些財政健全、業務基礎良好的海外上市民企,價值正在逐步顯現!


放大圖片

著名基金買中資股頻損手

一名小小分析員指在加拿大上市的中國植林公司嘉漢森林賬目有問題,便能令公司股價大插,著名對沖基金經理保爾森(John Paulson)老貓燒鬚,出現虧損,但原來買入中資股失利的還有不少著名基金公司。另外,美國證監計劃發出公告,提醒中資股風險。

《華爾街日報》昨天報道,富達投資(Fidelity Investments)、私募基金凱雷集團(Carlyle Group)等基金都有投資近幾個月大跌的中資股。以「爆煲」中資股中較大規模的軟件公司東南融通(Longtop Financial Technologies)為例,截至5月中停牌前為止,公司市值蒸發近一半,股價為18.93美元。

根據Capital IQ整理的監管申報文件,富達在3月31日時擁有東南融通14.5%的流通股,假設富達隨後沒有增持或減持,富達這個投資損失約1億美元。

「誤買」問題中資股,其中一個原因可能是這些基金不是因公司前景佳而買入。Vanguard Group向《華日》說,持有中資股,純粹是反映了被動指數基金的持股。同樣中招的AQR、Renaissance Technologies LLC等對沖基金則通常以量化因素買股。

其他持有中資股的著名基金包括Citadel、Oaktree Capital Management等。高盛和大摩等大行有代客戶投資中資股,美國最大型退休基金CalPERS亦有這類股份。

但就算這些中資股股價跌至零,著名基金最多只是失威,不會虧損「入肉」,因為中資股一般只佔這些基金很小的比例。

《華日》又報道,美國證券及交易委員會(SEC)最快周四稍後發出公告,詳列投資於透過「反向收購」在美借殼上市的公司的風險。在美國,這些借殼上市的公司近年主要來自中國。

2010年10月6日 星期三

Wall Street Says Women Worth Less as Disparity Over Pay Widens

Nancy Davis, a rising star at Goldman Sachs Group Inc., left in January 2008 after an eight-year run betting the firm’s money on derivatives to become a portfolio manager at Highbridge Capital Management LLC. She lost her job 10 months later when the hedge fund cut back in the recession.

For women in the financial-services industry like Davis, who’s still unemployed, the last few years haven’t been kind. More than five times as many women as men lost their jobs in the three years after July 2007, and pay for full-time female managers compared with their male counterparts worsened between 2000 and 2007, according to U.S. government data.

Women managers in finance, a group that includes bank tellers as well as executives, earned 63.9 cents for every dollar of income men earned in 2000, based on median salaries, according to Government Accountability Office statistics analyzed by Bloomberg. In 2007, the last year for which data is available, the figure was 58.8 cents. The 41-cent gap was the biggest in any of 13 industries surveyed by the GAO, and only two others had a widening disparity.

“When you have an industry dominated by men like finance, and compensation going through the roof, it’s not surprising that it increases the gender disparity between men and women,” said Joan C. Williams, a professor at the University of California’s Hastings College of Law in San Francisco who has written on gender and the workplace. “The sky’s the limit for men who hit a home run, but women can’t get to first base.”

Goldman Sachs Lawsuit

It has been more than a decade since a case brought by Smith Barney brokerage employees served to dismantle Wall Street’s mandatory arbitration rules, Merrill Lynch & Co. was confronted with sex-discrimination claims from 900 women and Allison Schieffelin, a former bond saleswoman, filed a gender- bias suit against Morgan Stanley -- a case later settled for $54 million. Yet not a lot has improved for women in banking.

Last month New York-based Goldman Sachs was sued by three former female employees who say they faced discrimination in pay and fewer opportunities for promotion than men at the firm. One of the women claimed she had been pinned against a wall and groped by a male colleague after a 1997 outing that included a stop at Scores, a Manhattan topless bar.

Ed Canaday, a spokesman for Goldman Sachs in New York, said the suit is “without merit” and that the company takes “extraordinary efforts to recruit, develop and retain outstanding women professionals.”

‘Culture Hasn’t Changed’

“Despite their sustained participation and economic influence, women have experienced a shockingly slow rate of progress advancing into business leadership, regardless of industry,” Ilene H. Lang, president and chief executive officer of Catalyst, a New York organization that promotes workplace diversity, told lawmakers at a Sept. 28 hearing in Washington.

It’s harder for women on Wall Street where trading floors can create a hostile environment, said Nina Godiwalla, a former investment banker at Morgan Stanley and author of “Suits: A Woman on Wall Street,” which will be published by Atlas & Co. in February.

“Based on the women I’ve talked to, the culture hasn’t changed,” Godiwalla said. Women are routinely subjected to crude jokes and excluded from outings, she said. “Even if it doesn’t happen to you, you see it around all the time, and it’s just a reminder that you’re not part of the team,” she said.

Maternity ‘Buddy’

To be sure, women have gained some ground over the last decade. Executives including Mary Erdoes, CEO of asset management at JPMorgan Chase & Co., Lisa Carnoy, co-head of global capital markets at Bank of America Corp., and Isabelle Ealet, global head of commodities at Goldman Sachs, have risen to positions of prominence at the biggest U.S. banks.

Davis, 33, said Goldman Sachs and Highbridge, which is owned by JPMorgan, bent “over backward to keep women.”

Goldman gave Davis a maternity “buddy,” a senior female manager, to help her transition back to work after both of her pregnancies and placed her in its Leadership Acceleration Initiative, a program to promote the development of high- performers, she said.

“Of course you’re going to run into your share of jerks on Wall Street, but my experiences at Highbridge and Goldman were very positive,” Davis said. “I was fortunate to work with good groups of people, and I never saw unfairness or discrimination.”

‘Mommy Track’

Still, for a trader with her credentials, finding a job has been harder than she expected. Davis, who ran proprietary derivatives trading for Goldman Sachs, wants something that will allow her to see her 4-year-old and 7-year-old before bed without being relegated to the “mommy track,” she said.

“I interviewed for a job recently with a small hedge fund. I think they were concerned about my ability to work until 2 a.m. given my family commitments,” Davis said. “They realized that, and I realized that. It wasn’t the right fit.”

More than half of women between 15 and 44 years old have children, according to the U.S. Census Bureau, which can cause problems like the ones facing Davis, said Williams. Studies have found that mothers are less likely to be hired or promoted and receive lower pay for similar jobs, Williams said. Becoming a mother is one of the leading reasons women leave Wall Street, she said.

“They get the sense that it’s going to be impossible to have children and keep their jobs at the same time,” Williams said.

Job Losses

The number of women in finance, banking and insurance in the U.S. fell by 537,000 between the second quarter of 2007 and the second quarter of this year, according to data compiled by the Bureau of Labor Statistics. That’s 12.5 percent of women in those industries compared with 3.6 percent of jobs held by males cut in the same period, according to the data. Across all industries, the female workforce decreased by about 2.6 percent, or 1.7 million jobs, in the three-year period, the data shows.

Women who get a foot in the door on Wall Street often find themselves assigned to less prestigious trading desks and divisions with smaller bonus pools, said Kelly Dermody, a partner at Lieff Cabraser Heimann & Bernstein LLP in San Francisco who’s representing the women suing Goldman Sachs along with Outten & Golden LLP. The two law firms have gender- discrimination cases pending against Bank of America and its Merrill Lynch unit, among other firms, Dermody said.

“Women are fighting the same old battles, just in a new environment higher up the chain,” she said. “These cases keep coming and coming. Wall Street isn’t learning the lessons.”

Bloomberg LP, the parent company of Bloomberg News, is currently in litigation with the Equal Employment Opportunity Commission in a gender-discrimination case.

JPMorgan, Citigroup

One of the complaints in the Goldman Sachs case is that the proportion of female managers shrinks at higher levels. Women constituted 29 percent of the firm’s vice presidents, 17 percent of managing directors and 14 percent of partners in 2009, according to the complaint. Four of 30 members of the management committee and one of nine executive officers were women.

JPMorgan has three women on its 16-person operating committee, including Erdoes, Heidi Miller, president of international operations, and Chief Investment Officer Ina Drew. Morgan Stanley has just one woman, Chief Financial Officer Ruth Porat, among its top dozen executives. Citigroup Inc. CEO Vikram Pandit doesn’t have any women on his executive committee, which consists of 19 men, including himself.

Shannon Bell, a spokeswoman for Citigroup, said women run many businesses and important functions, including the firm’s private bank, personal banking and wealth management. Darin Oduyoye, a spokesman for JPMorgan, and Mark Lake, a spokesman for Morgan Stanley, declined to comment.

Unconscious Discrimination

“In the old days, the problem was conscious, explicit discrimination -- the doors were literally closed and we had to put our heads against them and pound them in,” said Susan Estrich, a professor of gender-discrimination law at the University of Southern California in Los Angeles and author of “Sex and Power.”

Discrimination today is largely unconscious, and people in power don’t even realize they’re doing it, she said.

“People who are doing the judging unconsciously prefer people they’re comfortable with, people they know, people who look like them, people whose experience they recognize,” Estrich said.

Sharon Meers, a former managing director at Goldman Sachs who left the firm four years ago to write “Getting to 50/50: How Working Couples Can Have It All by Sharing It All (Random House, 2009),” describes studies in her book that show both men and women are more apt to choose male job candidates over females, even if their credentials are identical.

“The air we breathe is filled with assumptions about men and women that are hard to shake,” Meers said. “Instantaneously and subconsciously, we end up prioritizing men over women in a way that doesn’t make any sense.”

Testosterone’s Role

That’s especially true on Wall Street trading floors, said Williams, the Hastings law professor, who has studied traders.

“The gender bias faced by female traders is open, dramatic and pervasive compared with other professionals,” she said. “It’s all about masculine signaling -- mine’s bigger than yours. But in this case, it’s measured by salary and fueled by risk.”

That may have something to do with testosterone, according to John Coates, a former derivatives trader at Deutsche Bank AG and now a senior research fellow in neuroscience and finance at the University of Cambridge. Coates left the bank to study the correlation between hormones and trading after noticing that male traders exhibited manic behavior during bull markets.

‘Feeds on Itself’

“You put on a trade, you get it right, you make a big win, your testosterone levels go up, you get more confident, you want more risk and this thing feeds on itself,” said Coates, whose studies of traders in London found that men with higher levels of testosterone earned more money. “If you get into a bull market, all these guys are in synch. And eventually they get T levels that are so high they’ve gone over the top of this dose- response curve, and they are over-confident and are putting on too much risk, and it’s risk with terrible risk-reward tradeoffs, and that is a bubble.”

Women produce about 10 percent of the testosterone of an average man in his 20s, which may explain some differences in risk-taking, Coates said. In the investment banks he studied, only 2 percent to 3 percent of the traders were women, while about 60 percent of the asset managers, who have more time to analyze the risks they’re taking, were female. Brokerage accounts managed by women tended to outperform those held by men, he said.

“Women are better at more reflective types of trading or trading that requires more analysis and a longer holding period,” Coates said. “Why isn’t Wall Street valuing that?”

Competition, Risk-Taking

Hormones alone don’t explain the differences between males and females on Wall Street, said Anna Dreber, a researcher at the Institute for Financial Research in Stockholm who’s studying competition and risk-taking among men and women. She said she has found that girls can be as competitive as boys, depending on the environment.

“Even if you have some specific version of a gene that makes it more likely to take a risk, your social environment can still affect whether that gene is expressed or not,” Dreber said. “I would expect a fairly big chunk of the variation of behavior in individuals is some sort of interplay between biological and social variables.”

Davis, who thrived on one of Goldman Sachs’s most elite trading desks, may be an exception to the rule, said Williams, whose latest book is titled “Reshaping the Work-Family Debate: Why Men and Class Matter” (Harvard University Press, 2010).

Walking a Tightrope

Bias against women in the workplace today is more subtle than in the past, she said. Women have to walk a tightrope in the office between being too feminine and not being taken seriously or being too masculine and viewed as a “bitch” with a personality problem, she said. They also have to keep proving their competency, she said.

“There are dramatic gender pressures on both men and women who are traders that systematically disadvantage women, regardless of which hormone is surging when,” Williams said. “The gender pressures on men are to be the biggest cowboy with the biggest gun who shoots the fastest. It’s all about who demonstrates manliness the best.”